AND LUXEMBURG

2!

appealed more forcibly to the ordinary Englishman, it is
because he is more familiar with the past history of
Belgium and sees more clearly in her case the ultimate
issues that are in volved in the German violation of her
rig hts. As th e following narrative will show, the neutrality of Lu xemburg was guaranteed in the interests
and at th e in sta nce of th e Pru ss ian state, as a protection
agains t French aggression. Th e legal case could not
be clearer, and it might perhaps be asked why the
attack on Lux emburg, wh ich preceded that on Belgium,
was not treated by thi s country as a casus belli.
England's attitude towards Luxemburg is that which she
has consistently adopted towards those smaller states
of Europe which li e outside the reach of naval power.
It is an attitud e which she has maintained in the case of
S ervia even more clearly than in that of Luxemburg.
England holds herself bound to exert her influence in
procuring for th e s maller states of Europe equitable
treatment from th eir more powerful nei ghbours. But
th e duty of in sisting upon equitable treatment falls first
upon those Powers whose situation enables them to
support a protest by effective action. Just as Servia is
the special concern of Russia, so Luxemburg must look
to France in the first instance for protection against
Germany, to G ermany if she is assailed from the French
side. In either case we should hold ourselves bound
to exercise om· influence, but not as principals. Any
other course would be impossibly quixotic, and would
only have the effect of destroying our power to help
the states within our reach.
The Grand Duchy of Luxemburg was a revival of
an ancient state which had lost its existence during
the French Revolution . Although it was placed under
the rule of the Ring of the Netherlands, a descendant
of its former sovereign, it was not incorporated in
his kingdom, but retained its own identity and gave to